The
Early Life of Codreanu
Corneliu
Zelea Codreanu
was born on September 13, 1899 in the small town of Hushi
in Moldavia. His father, Ion Zelea Codreanu,
had been a nationalist fighter all his life, while his grandfather
and great-grandfather were foresters.
Corneliu
Codreanu had been educated for five
years, from age eleven to sixteen, at the military academy Manastirea
Dealului (“the Cloister on the
Hill”). Codreanu explained how his
time there affected him (quoted from the key book he wrote, For
My Legionaries): “…my military education will be with me
all my life. Order, discipline, hierarchy, molded into my blood at
an early age, along with the sentiment of soldierly dignity, will
constitute a guiding thread for my entire future activity. Here
too, I was taught to speak little, a fact which later was to lead
me to hate ‘chatter boxing’ and too much talk. Here I learned
to love the trench and to despise the drawing room.”
After
Romania declared war on Austria-Hungary in August 1916, Corneliu
Codreanu and his father went to join
the Romanian army moving into Transylvania. Codreanu
was not old enough to be accepted as a volunteer, but still fought
with the army in its advance and retreat across the mountains.
However, his father had been wounded in battle, and insisted that Corneliu
return home so that they do not both die in battle and leave his
mother unsupported. However, a year later in 1917, Codreanu
completed his military education in The Military School of
Infantry at Botosani by 1918, but did
not get the chance to join the front before the war ended.
After
graduating from high school in 1919, Codreanu
was accepted into the University of Iasi
and left Husi for Iasi.
He had already read many works by the famous professors Nicolae
Iorga and A.C. Cuza,
which taught him the ideals for Romania: “1. The
unification of Romanian people. 2. The elevation of peasantry
through land reform and political rights. 3.
The solution of the Jewish problem.” After arriving in Iasi,
Codreanu found that the city and
university were heavily influenced by Communist agitators and that
even many professors were Marxists. The Romanian workers were
experiencing terrible working conditions and had very low wages,
and had therefore been drawn to Communism by Marxist
propagandists. Students at the University of Iasi
were also largely converted to Communism, and Communist student
meetings attacked the Army, Justice, Church, and the Crown,
essentially propagating anti-Romanianism.
After
doing some research, Codreanu
discovered that the leaders of the Romanian Communist workers were
neither Romanians nor workers. At Iasi,
the “workers’ movement” was led by Dr. Ghelerter
along with Messrs, Gheler, Spiegler,
and Schreiber. At the capital, Bucharest, the leaders were Ana Pauker
and Ilie Moscovici.
All of them, Codreanu found, were
Jews. Realizing that like in Russia, where a largely Jewish-led
Bolshevik revolution occurred a few years earlier, Romania was in
danger of being taken over by Jewish Communists who would destroy
everything Romanian. He commented:
“If
these had been victorious, would we have had at least a Romania
led by a Romanian workers’ regime? Would the Romanian workers
have become masters of the country? No! The next day we would have
become the slaves of the dirtiest tyranny: the Talmudic, Jewish
tyranny. Greater Romania, after less than a second of existence,
would have collapsed.” (For My Legionaries)
Early
Political Activity
Codreanu
then decided that he quickly needed to take action against the
Communist movement, while the conservative students were not doing
anything sufficient. He joined a small organization, the Guard of
National Conscience, which had been recently created by Constantin
Pancu, who was a well-known
steel-worker. The members of the Guard of National Conscience,
with Codreanu and Pancu
at the head, made speeches and rallies to combat Communism and
eventually even got into physical battles with groups of violent
Communists. At the Nicolina railway
works, where nearly all the workers were Communist and a large
number of Jews were also present, a general strike began.
Conservative Romanians led by Pancu
and Codreanu then met and marched
around placing the national flags on various buildings while
removing Communist red flags. Codreanu
even heroically climbed on top of a factory to throw off the red
flag and put up a Romanian one in its place. By the time he was
down, the Communists workers were so impressed by his efforts that
they allowed Codreanu and Pancu
to leave without a fight. Everywhere across Romania news of this
event was carried quickly, and the Communist movement soon was
reduced and had no chance at success.
The
Guard of National Conscience then declared its program for the
improvement of the Romanian nation, which they called “National
Christian Socialism.” Codreanu
explained that “It is not enough to defeat Communism. We must
also fight for the rights of the workers. They have a right to
bread and a fight to honor, We must
fight against the oligarchic parties, creating national workers
organizations which can gain their rights within the framework of
the state and not against the state.”
It
was then, by 1920, that Codreanu
started focusing on the problems at Iasi
University, when they realized that Romanian universities, as
revealed by the studies of professor Ion Gavanescul,
were swarming with Jews. The Jews, an alien people hostile to
Romanian culture, formed about five percent of the population, and
yet in Iasi a third of the students
were Jews. Codreanu knew that the
schools, which had an unreasonable number of Jews when compared to
Romanians, formed the next leading class in Romania. Once the Jews
would become overwhelming in the leading class, Romania’s
national culture would be destroyed, because, as professor Cuza
taught, Jews were an alien people culturally and racially and
would only distort the culture of the nation in which they lived.
This menace disturbed Codreanu and
others who loved their Romanian nation, its culture, and the
Orthodox Christian religion. Codreanu
commented:
“At
Posada, Calugareni,
on the Olt, jiu
and Cerna rivers, at Turda;
in the mountains of the unhappy and forgotten Moti
of Vidra, all the way to Huedin
and Alba-Iulia (the torture place of Horia
and his brothers-in-arms), there are everywhere testimonies of
battles and tombs of heroes. All over the Carpathians, from the Oltenian
mountains at Dragoslavele
and at Predeal, from Oituz
to Vatra Dornei,
on peaks and in valley bottoms, everywhere Romanian blood flowed
like rivers. In the middle of the night, in difficult times for
our people, we hear the call of the Romanian soil urging us to
battle. I ask and I expect an answer: By what right do the Jews
wish to take this land from us? On what historical argument do
they base their pretensions and particularly the audacity with
which they defy us Romanians, here in our own land? We are bound
to this land by millions of tombs and millions of unseen threads
that only our soul feels, and woe to those who shall try to
snatch us from it.” (For My Legionaries)
The
Jewish students at the University of Iasi
continued encouraging Communism, but after his victory with Pancu,
Codreanu could now put an end to the
bullying of nationalist students by Jewish and Marxist students.
Students who wore Russian caps as a sign of support for Bolshevism
were beaten and their caps burnt. A Marxist student strike was
then defeated by Codreanu and his
friends when they seized the dining hall and insisted that students
who do not work, do not get to eat. Soon afterwards, newspapers
owned by Jews insulted King Ferdinand and Codrenau,
to which Codreanu responded by leading
a group to the papers’ offices to wreck the presses.
In
1922, Codreanu graduated from Iasi
University’s Faculty of Law, and by then had made almost the
entire university nationalist as well as having spread
pro-Romanian and anti-Jewish concepts to other universities. In
that same year, professors A.C. Cuza
and Nicolae Paulescu,
who Codreanu regarded as being some of
the greatest intellectuals to teach Romanians about the Jewish
Problem, published two articles in the magazine Apararea
Nationala (“The National
Defense”): “The Science of Anti-Semitism” (by Cuza)
and “The Talmud, the Kahal,
Freemasonry” (by Paulescu, an
excerpt from a book). Of this influential publication, Codreanu
wrote: “The articles of Professors Cuza
and Paulescu were religiously read by
all the youth and had everywhere upon students both in Bucharest
and in Cluj a resounding impact. We
considered the publication of each issue a triumph, because it was
for us another munitions transport for combating the arguments in
the Jewish press.”
He
continued studying political economy and in the fall of 1922
traveled to Germany to register at the University of Berlin. While
in Berlin he spoke with German nationalists and taught them what
he knew of the Jewish problem. He also heard of Adolf
Hitler, who, upon becoming more prominent, Codreanu
thought of as a great anti-Jewish nationalist leader. It was also
in Berlin that Codreanu heard of
Mussolini’s victory in Italy, at which he declared: “I
rejoiced as much as if it were my own country’s victory. There
is, among all those in various parts of the world who serve their
people, a kinship of sympathy, as there is such a kinship among
those who labor for the destruction of peoples.”
The
National Christian Defense League & Reactions to Government
Corruption
In
December, 1922, Codreanu’s education
in Germany was suddenly halted, because a nation-wide anti-Jewish
nationalist student movement exploded in Romania and Codreanu
felt he had to return to join them at that crucial moment. While
the students were making a strike for better conditions in
universities as well as a limit on the number of Jews, Codreanu,
Cuza, and a few others decided to hold
a rally in March 3, 1923 in Iasi to
create a new organization. This organization, which they decided
to call “The League of Christian National Defense”, was to be
created once thousands of students would meet at the rally. Codreanu
explained the banner of the National Christian Defense League (L.A.N.C.):
“The cloth of these flags was black – a sign of mourning; in
the center a round white spot, signifying our hopes surrounded by
the darkness they will have to conquer; in the center of the
white, a swastika, the symbol of anti-Semitic struggle throughout
the world; and all around the flag, a band of the Romanian
tricolor – red, yellow and blue.”
However,
just a few weeks afterwards the Romanian government, under
pressure from influential Jews as in Romania as well as abroad,
decided to change the Romanian constitution to allow almost all
Jews to become Romanian citizens. This allowed an alien body in
Romania, different in language, dress, religion, customs, racial
type, and soul, to further infiltrate Romanian society and
undoubtedly Judaize its culture.
Romanian nationalists were shocked and Codreanu
so much that he cried. After explaining this situation in For
My Legionaries, Codreanu reflects
on how the great and highly respected Romanian leaders in 1879,
after Romania won independence from the Ottoman Empire, took
action to make sure that Jews would not gain any power in Romania,
even though they were forced to give Jews a theoretical right of
citizenship (which depended on qualification through military
service, thus making only a few Jews citizens, since most Jews did
not want to fight in war). These men, whose works were read by all
nationalist students, were Vasile Conta,
Vasile Alecsandri,
Mihail Kogalniccanu,
Mihail Eminescu,
Bogdan Petriceicu
Hajdeu, Costache
Negri, A.D.
Xenopol.
The
larger Romanian parties ruling the government also refused to take
any action against the increasing number of Jews flooding into
universities, jeopardizing the nation’s future. Codreanu
wrote of them, “Fundamentally there was no distinction among
them other than differences of form and personal interests-the
same thing in different shapes. They did not even have the
justification of differing opinions. Their only real motivation
was the religion of personal interest.” He also knew, having
been educated by the works of Nicolae Paulescu,
that the Jews used their economic, financial, and media
power to influence the government’s activities. Finally, filled
with despair at the almost complete failure of the national
student movement, Codreanu and his
close friends, including Ion Mota,
decided that they would assassinate the top Romanian politicians,
top rabbis, and Jewish bankers. Codreanu
wrote explaining why he was more concerned with going after the
politicians:
“We
unanimously agreed that the first and greatest culprits were the
treacherous Romanians who for Judah’s silver pieces betrayed
their people. The Jews are our enemies and as such they hate,
poison, and exterminate us. Romanian leaders who cross into their
camp are worse than enemies: they are traitors. The first and
fiercest punishment ought to fall first on the traitor, second on
the enemy. If I had but one bullet and I were
faced by both an enemy and a traitor, I would let the traitor have
it.” (For My Legionaries)
However,
one of the members of this group, Vernichescu,
decided to betray them and they were arrested before they could
take action. Upon being interrogated by the police, Codreanu
decided that honesty was the only noble way to deal with the
situation, and took full responsibility for the assassination
plot. They spent some time in jail, where they felt a living
spiritual force in the icon of Saint Michael the Archangel at the
prison church, which led them to decide that a new group they
would create should be named The Legion of Michael the Archangel.
The
trial for the assassination plot was held at Bucharest, at which Codreanu
and his friends were acquitted since the jurors, all Romanians,
were sympathetic with their action due to their anger at the
government’s betrayal of the will of the Romanian people.
However, upon leaving, Ion Mota felt
that they could not succeed in their efforts without killing their
betrayer, who they recently discovered was Vernichescu.
Mota had shot him in his cell on the
day of the trial and thus remained in prison for a longer time to
be tried for murder later (although he was acquitted there as
well, since few had sympathy for the traitor).
Work
for the L.A.N.C. and the Split with Cuza
After
Codreanu returned to Iasi
in May of 1924, he again started working for the National
Christian Defense League. The youth wing of the L.A.N.C. of which Codreanu
was a part, the Brotherhood of the Cross, was very low on money as
well as labor and was no longer allowed to hold meetings in
universities. They resorted to holding meetings in old wooden
barracks, until they finally decided to build a “Christian
cultural home” by their own work at Ungheni.
With picks and shovels, even making their own bricks with the help
of local brick-makers, they built this meeting house, which
inspired local villagers (who simultaneously learned about the
ideas of the regeneration of Romania).
However,
while they were doing their construction work, they were brutally
beaten several times without any legal reason by policemen. Codreanu
and other students were arrested and hauled off to the police
station in Iasi, where the Police
Prefect Manciu had them tortured while
hanging upside-down in chains. Only with the intervention of Cuza
and other leading citizens in Iasi
were the students finally freed. The Jews in the area were
extremely happy over the torture of the students, and rewarded Manciu,
who received no punishment for his actions, by buying him a car.
Months later in October, 1925, Codreanu
was defending a student at court who was arrested at the raid on
the Ungheni site. In this courtroom, Manciu
burst in with several gendarmes (police type) and was prepared to
harm Codreanu again. But Codreanu
reacted quickly, refusing to be illegally beaten and humiliated,
by taking out his revolver and shooting Manciu.
Codreanu
was transferred to be tried at trial to Tunul
Severin, as far south from Moldavia as
possible in order to make sure that he was not in an area where
everyone sympathized with him. Yet even there, while the policemen
denied torturing the students, the jury knew the truth of what
happened and proclaimed Codreanu
innocent. Shortly after this trial he returned to Iasi
and there married Elena Ilinoiu. From
there he and his wife decided to travel to France where he would
earn his doctorate in political economy at the University of Grenoble.
In
May of 1927, Codreanu returned from
France and found that the L.A.N.C. was split into two factions due
to a lack of coordination and unity (specifically because of a
confusion over the expulsion of a deputy), which he felt
was the beginning of failure and disaster. Codreanu
found that Cuza, the leader of one
faction, was perfectly happy with the situation, which caused Codreanu
to realize that Cuza was not a good
leader. He commented on Cuza’s
leadership abilities: “If the doctrinaire is expected to master
the science of researching and formulating truth, the leader of a
political movement is expected to master the science and the art
of organization, education and leadership of men, Professor Cuza,
excelling and unsurpassed on the first plane, when brought down on
the practical one showed himself ignorant, awkward…”
After
failing to get the two factions, one led by professor Sumuleanu
and the other by Cuza, to come to an
agreement, and also after seeing Cuza
willing to cooperate with corrupt politicians from other parties
to an extent, Codreanu finally decided
to split off. He thought that the youth, which was beginning to
form a faction of its own, should become a totally new
organization that would be better led and more unified. Codreanu
and his best friends visited Cuza as
well as Sumuleanu and declared their
intentions to create a movement on their own. The students met at
the “Christian cultural home” and founded their own fully
independent group, the Legion of Michael the Archangel, which used
the icon of Saint Michael as its symbol.
The
Legion of Michael the Archangel
The
Legion of Michael the Archangel did not present a party program
and Codreanu did not even consider the
Legion to be a political movement, but rather a spiritual movement
whose aim was to improve Romania. He asserted that even the best
political programs would be compromised if the Romanian people
were corrupted by the influence of Jews and greedy politicians. In
The Nest Leader’s Manual, he wrote: “The Politician’s
goal is to build a fortune, ours is to build our homeland
flowering and strong. For her we will work and we will build. For
her we will make each Romanian a hero, ready to fight, ready to
sacrifice, ready to die.”
The
Legion was to be more of a school and an army, rather than a
political group, for the creation of a New Man (Omul
Nou), a generation of Romanians
who, through their Christian spirituality and nationalism, would
create a Greater Romania freed from darkness and oppression. A
spiritual revolution would be the prerequisite for a political
revolution. He declared in For My Legionaries:
“From
this Legionary school a new man will have to emerge, a man with
heroic qualities; a giant of our history to do battle and win over
all the enemies of our Fatherland, his battle and victory having
to extend even beyond the material world into the realm of
invisible enemies, the powers of evil. Everything that our mind
can imagine more beautiful spiritually; everything the proudest
that our race can produce, greater, more just, more powerful,
wiser, purer, more diligent and more heroic, this is what the
Legionary school must give us! A man in whom
all the possibilities of human grandeur that are implanted by God
in the blood of our people be developed to the maximum.
This hero, the product of Legionary education, will also know how
to elaborate programs; will also know how to solve the Jewish
problem; will also know how to organize the state well; will also
know how to convince the other Romanians; and if not, he will know
how to win, for that is why he is a hero. This hero, this
Legionary of bravery, labor and justice, with the powers God
implanted in his soul, will lead our Fatherland on the road of its
glory.” (For My Legionaries)
The
Legion, because it needed a strong structure of organization, was
designed as a hierarchical system. The basic unit of the Legion
was called a nest, numbering from simply three to thirteen
members. At each level of the Legion, from the nest to town, city,
county, and regional sections up to the Căpitanul
(“Captain”), the top leadership role which Codreanu
attained, the leaders were not chosen by election but by bravery
and skill. The movement would be opposed to the republican system,
which Codreanu observed did not really
represent will of the people, and replace it with a new form of
government in which a leader would be selected rather than elected,
and would not be able to do what he personally wishes, but only
what is best for the nation. He explained the role of the leader
in this way: “He (the leader) does not do what he wants,
he does what he has to do. And he is guided, not by individual
interests, nor by collective ones, but instead by the interests of
the eternal nation, to the consciousness of which the people have
attained. In the framework of these interests and only in their
framework, personal interests as well as collective ones find the
highest degree of normal satisfaction.”
All
the members of the Legion were educated in Christian virtues, love
of nation, and were taught to be disciplined and disinterested in
battle. The Legionaries marched and sang national songs together
along with volunteering to help impoverished lower class Romanians
(especially peasants) in building, repairing houses, assisting in
farming, and other areas of work. The Legion’s nests were to be
self-sufficient, not reliant on buying materials for survival.
Codreanu
and other nationalist Romanians had witnessed for many years the
suffering of the Romanian people at the hands of the Capitalists,
which were largely Jews only interested in profit, and had no
sympathy for Romanians. The peasants were extremely poor, in some
areas even to the point of starvation, and were barely surviving
by borrowing money at interest rates from Jewish money-lenders.
Jew-owned companies were chopping down forests at alarming rates,
destroying the source of livelihood for certain groups of peasants
such as the Moti. Jewish speculators
were buying up land and malnutrition was widespread, making the
situation seem grim for the Romanian people.
The
Legionary Movement grew, spreading through Romania and determined
to change this situation by finally banishing the Jews who usually
had little sympathy for Gentiles. Through charity and volunteer
work, they revealed that they were not just another corrupt party
interested in power and money. By 1929, in order to progress
further, the Legionaries were forced to create a political branch
of the Legion to run for elections. This organization was called Garda
de Fier (“Iron Guard”), which
is the name by which the Legionary Movement would later be
commonly called.
Throughout
the early 1930s Iron Guard members marched through villages,
wearing the green-colored uniform with a white cross sewn on their
shirts. Top Legionaries, including Codreanu,
were making speeches and marches, sometimes at night, calling for
the regeneration of Romania and the expulsion of the Jews. But
influential Jews and established political parties were determined
to stop the Iron Guard. In certain areas, Codreanu
and other top Legionaries were illegally barred from speaking and
often beaten by policemen as well as by Jews, usually without
provocation. Unfortunately, they also got into clashes with
members of the L.A.N.C., also called Cuzists,
who viewed them as a threat to their own success.
Eventually,
by 1932, Codreanu and his father
entered the Romanian National Assembly through elections in
Moldavia. Despite this, the treatment of Legionaries got worse as
time passed, and all members, including girls, were beaten and
humiliated. By 1933, the Liberal Party, led by Ion Duca,
was elected into power and declared that it would exterminate the
Iron Guard.
In
that same year, Duca’s government,
after having already terrorized, tortured, and assassinated
several Legionaries, went ahead and banned the Legion to keep it
from participating in elections, leading to the arrest of about
18,000 Legionaries (although Codreanu
succeeded in hiding). The Legionaries Nicolae
Constantinescu, Doro Belimace
and Ion Caranica then assassinated Ion
Duca for revenge, and immediately
turned themselves in to the police. Following this, the tortures
and assassinations of Legionaries by the government multiplied.
By
the fall of 1936, the Legion decided to send a symbolic team of
seven top Legionaries to Spain to help Francisco Franco fight the
Marxist Republicans. While fighting there, Ion Mota
and Vasile Marin died at Majadahonda,
near Madrid. At the funeral, before the bodies of Mota
and Marin, Codreanu declared in an
“Oath of Ranking Legionaries” (1937): “That is why you are
going to swear that you understand that being a Legionary elite in
our terms means not only to fight and win, but it also means above
all a permanent sacrifice of oneself to the service of the Nation;
that the idea of an elite is tied to the ideas of sacrifice,
poverty, and a hard, bitter life; that where self-sacrifice ends,
there also ends the Legionary elite.” Later, there were large
funeral processions all over Romania, and in the next year a new
elite unit in the Legionary Movement was created, the “Mota-Marin
Corps”.
In
March of 1938, Codreanu sent a letter
to Nicolae Iorga
to complain about Iorga’s campaign
of calumny against the Legion, in which he told Iorga
that he is a dishonest person who has taken part in the oppression
of innocent people. Iorga, insulted,
then filed a lawsuit against Codreanu,
which resulted in King Carol II (who had earlier established
himself as a dictator, changing the constitution) and his
Minister, Armand Calinescu, arresting Codreanu
(and then thousands of Legionaries) and condemning him to six
months in prison. The government organized a second trial to take
place, closed to the public and extremely biased, in which Codreanu
was sentenced to ten years in prison for unreasonable and unproven
accusations of sedition and treason. Calinescu,
a few months later, then had the military police murder Codreanu,
acting outside of the law (this occurred on November 30, 1938).
After
Codreanu’s death terrible
persecutions of the Legion continued, and eventually a group of
nine Legionaries assassinated Calinescu.
General Argeseanu, the new leader in
the Romanian government, afterwards executed 252 Legionaries and
imprisoned thousands more, intensifying the persecution yet more.
By 1940, The Legionaries, under the leadership of Horia
Sima, attempted to negotiate with King
Carol II. Later that year, General Ion Antonescu
would finally overthrow King Carol’s government, resulting in
the creation National Legionary State ruled jointly by Sima
and Antonescu.
Comments
About Codreanu
from Notable People
Codreanu
was seen by many people as being an extremely charismatic and
influential person. Even the Hungarian speaking Jewish historian
Nicholas Nagy-Talavera commented his
book The Green Shirts and the Others:
“There
was suddenly a hush in the crowd. A tall, darkly handsome man
dressed in the white costume of a Rumanian peasant rode into the
yard on a white horse. He halted close to me, and I could see
nothing monstrous or evil in him. On the
contrary. His childlike, sincere smile radiated over the
miserable crowd, and he seemed to be with it yet mysteriously
apart from it. Charisma is an inadequate word to define the
strange force that emanated from this man. He was more aptly
simply part of the forests, of the mountains, of the storms on the
snow-covered peaks of the Carpathians, and of the lakes and
rivers. And so he stood amid the crowd, silently. He had no need
to speak. His silence was eloquent; it seemed to be stronger than
we, stronger than the order of the prefect who denied him speech.
An old, white-haired peasant woman made the sign of the cross on
her breast and whispered to us, ‘The emissary of the Archangel
Michael!’ Then the sad little church bell began to toll, and the
service which invariably preceded Legionary meetings began. Deep
impressions created in the soul of a child die hard. In more than
a quarter of a century I have never forgotten my meeting with Corneliu
Zelea Codreanu.”
The
famous Italian intellectual Julius Evola
was fascinated with him as well, and wrote of his meeting with Codreanu
upon visiting Romania in his article “The Tragedy of the
Romanian ‘Iron Guard’: Codreanu”:
“Through
a group of Legionaries who part comes towards us a young, tall,
slender man, with an uncommon expression of nobleness, frankness
and energy imprinted on his face : azure grey
eyes, open forehead, genuine Roman-Aryan type : and, mixed with
virile traits, something contemplative, mystical in the
expression. This is Corneliu Codreanu,
the leader and founder of the Romanian ‘Iron Guard’, the one
who is called ‘assassin’, ‘Hitler’s henchman’,
‘anarchist conspirator’, by the world press, because, since
1919, he has been challenging Israel, and the forces which are
more or less in cahoots with it, at work in the Romanian national
life.”
Horia
Sima, Codreanu’s
successor as commander of the Legion in 1940, gave a description
of Codreanu’s appearance and
character in his book Istoria
Mişcarii Legionare
(“History of the Legionary Movement”):
“There
is no doubt, that in this world, there are all sorts of people who
look nice, but are empty inside; who do not feel either moral or
spiritual aspirations in addition to the physical gifts with which
nature blessed them … But Corneliu Codreanu,
his magnificient physique corresponds
to an exceptional inner wholeness. Exclamations of admiration from
men left him indifferent. Praise angered him. He had only a
fighter’s greatness and the ambition of great reformers… The
characteristic of his soul was goodness. If you want to penetrate
the initial motive which prompted Corneliu
Codreanu to throw in a fight so hard
and almost desperate, the best answer is that he did it out of
compassion for suffering people. His heart bled with thousands of
injuries to see the misery in which peasants and workers
struggled. His love for the people – unlimited! He was sensitive
to any suffering the working masses endured. He had a cult for the
humble, and showed an infinite attention to their aspirations and
their hopes. The smallest window, the most
trivial complaint, were examined with the same seriousness
with which he addressed grave political problems.”
The
Legionary Movement After Codreanu
Horia
Sima joined the Legion of the
Archangel Michael in November of 1927, the same year it was
founded by Corneliu Zelea
Codreanu. But Sima
was prominent only when he first became a leader of the Legion in
October of 1938, after a new Legionary Command (of which Sima
was a part) was organized due to the fact that Corneliu
Codreanu was imprisoned and other top
Legionaries arrested or assassinated. In 1940, Sima
and Ion Antonescu made a coup against
the tyrannical King Carol II and together created the National
Legionary State. It was only after this state was established that
Horia Sima
became the top commander of the Legion. Of the establishment of
the National Legionary State, Horia Sima
said in his book Era Libertaţii
– Statul naţional-Legionar
vol. 1 (“It was Freedom – National Legionary State vol.
1″) that “Rarely in our people’s history has there been
experienced a moment of collective exaltation of as impressive
enthusiasm as that of the popular masses after the expulsion of
King Carol from the country. You cannot even compare the intensity
of national sentiment with that rush of joy in the annexed
provinces, when the Union of 1918 was formed.”
Sima
and Antonescu then proceeded to
nationalize or Romanianize the
nation’s economy, trade, industry, and mass media. Jews had
previously gained an unreasonable and ridiculous amount of
ownership of factories, companies, newspapers, cinemas, and
various economic positions. Romania would no longer allow the
Jews, an alien ethnicity whose influence previously had negative
effects on Romanian life, to dominate their nation’s economy and
media and distort Romanian culture and lifestyle.
A
note needs to be made of an event that occurred in the Legionary
State. On November 25, 1940, the bodies of Codreanu
and other murdered by Calinescu were
exhumed. In two days, by November 27, the Legionaries who were
working in that exhumation were so disturbed and angered upon
seeing the bodily remains of Codreanu
and the other martyrs that they could not restrain themselves from
executing 64 members of previous political regimes imprisoned at Jilava
who were involved in imprisoning, torturing, and massacring
Legionaries in the past. Among these executed for their past crime
was Nicolae Iorga.
Iorga’s
death was oftentimes, and still is, used as propaganda against the
Legionary Movement by philo-semites,
Jews, and Communists (it was used by the Romanian Communist regime
during its reign) in order to label Horia
Sima and the Legion as
“terrorists” and “criminals”. Sima
wrote in his 1990 book Era Libertaţii
– Statul naţional-Legionar
vol. 2 (“It was Freedom – National Legionary State vol.
2″) that “Iorga’s killing
offered our enemies a weapon of great efficiency, which they fired
into the Movement and which has not left their hands even
today.” Of course, the Communist propaganda usually overlooks
the fact that Iorga was very
anti-Semitic and very anti-Communist like many other Romanians,
and also that Iorga brought his death
upon himself by his own actions. It has also been pointed out that
Traian Boeru,
Iorga’s assassin, was a Communist
agent and that the Legionaries involved would not have actually
killed Iorga had this agent not been
there. The facts of the situation are not fully clear, but what is
clear is that it is foolish and unreasonable to condemn the
Legionary Movement based on Iorga’s
death, especially when considering how many “democratic”
movements throughout history are not condemned, but praised,
despite the murders they had committed.
Earlier
in November of 1940, Legionary Romania had joined the Tripartite
Pact of National Socialist Germany, Italy, and Japan, bringing
Romania into World War II on the side of the Axis powers. However,
the dual leadership of Sima and Antonescu
was imperfect, since Antonescu was
extremely ambitious and wanted to gain complete power by
personally becoming the leader of the Legionary Movement. In
January of 1941, Antonescu prepared a
personal meeting with Adolf Hitler
without notifying Sima or any other
Legionary leaders (which results in Sima
being unable to participate) and left for Berlin on January 13th. Antonescu
discussed with Hitler the possibility of a war with the Soviet
Union and the conditions for Romania’s participation in that
war. Antonescu argued that the
Romanian army is on his side and if Hitler wants Romania to join
in fighting the U.S.S.R., Germany must remain neutral in the event
of a conflict between him (Antonescu)
and the Legionary Movement.
General
Antonescu in a few days then prepared
for a coup d’etat against the Legion
by having anti-Legionary propaganda spread through rumors claiming
that Legionaries are undisciplined, are engaging in scuffles with
military members, and are of questionable use in war. Antonescu
then took various anti-Legionary actions,
including removing various prominent Legionaries from government
positions and eventually began to arrest and imprison Legionary
leaders. In this situation, on January 21 of 1941, Horia
Sima and a large amount of Legionaries
rebelled against Antonescu, and
although they would later tried to make agreements, Antonescu
harshly repressed the Legionaries. In another meeting with Hitler,
Antonescu convinced the German leader
that the Legionaries were “fanatics” that needed to be
suppressed. The Romanian government under Antonescu
then became highly authoritarian and began to arrest and kill
hundreds of Legionaries. By April of 1941, Horia
Sima and many other members of the
Legion fled into German territory and were confined to compulsory
quarters in certain camps; although they are treated well by the
Germans.
During
World War II, Romania under Antonescu
took part in Operation Barbarossa,
fighting with the Axis against the Soviet Union. After the Battle
of Stalingrad was lost, the Soviets
expanded westwards. As the Soviet armies were moving into Romania
in 1944, Antonescu contemplated making
peace with the Allies but decided to firmly stay in the Axis
alliance. Because of this decision, the Royal Coup of August 23
occurred that year, in which groups led by King Michael I decided
to remove Antonescu from power by
surrounding him and having him arrested. Romania then switched
sides in World War II, joining the Allies. The Germans reacted to
this by releasing Horia Sima
and the other Legionaries. Upon this release, Sima
established, with German help, a Legionary government in Vienna to
assist in the battle against Communism. However, by 1945 the
Soviet conquest could not be stopped so they retreated westwards.
Sima
and most other Legionaries fled to Italy or to parts of Germany,
where they established Romanian Committees to help Romanian
refugees fleeing from Communism get into Western Europe. By
1949-50, Sima and other top
Legionaries started collaborating with French, American, and
British authorities to fight Communism, especially by assisting
emigrants from the Soviet Union (which would weaken Communist
regimes in Eastern Europe). The French-American military then
assisted in preparing Legionaries to move into Romania in order to
physically fight Communists and start an anti-Communist uprising
in that nation. By 1954, the agreement was cancelled due to Soviet
infiltration of British intelligence (led by Kim Philby)
and because Western powers wanted to establish a “peaceful
coexistence” with Stalin’s regime.
Although
some Legionaries in Romania continued fighting the Communists into
the 1960s, most Legionaries went into exile, scattered across
nations in Europe, North America, South America, and Australia. Horia
Sima, from the 1950s onwards, had
lived in various places throughout Germany, Italy, France, and
finally to Franco’s Spain (where he received political refugee
status). Various dissident groups created factions splitting off
from Horia Sima’s
rule, although Sima was considered
leader by the majority of Legionaries. For decades, most
Legionaries could not do much other than write articles, books,
and translate works. However, in 1989 after Ceausescu’s
Communist regime was overthrown in Romania, Sima
and other Legionaries took the opportunity to attempt to revive Legionarism
in Romania. Legionaries created various parties, although Sima
could not go to Romania himself since he had been sentenced to
death there since 1946. Unfortunately, the Legionary parties came
into conflict with each other and none could establish a large
movement. Sima died in May 25, 1993 in
Madrid, Spain unable to end the quarrels among the various groups.
However, the Legionary Movement still continued in its new form
and modern Legionaries today are still working to educate the
younger generations as to the truth of Legionary history.
Christopher
THORPE
2011
B
I B L I O G R A P H Y
(English
Language Works)
•
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Corneliu Zelea.
For My Legionaries. Third
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Gazdaru. York, SC, USA: Liberty Bell
Publications, 2003.
•
Codreanu,
Corneliu Zelea.
The Nest Leader’s Manual. USA: CZC Books, 2005.
•
Codreanu,
Corneliu Zelea.
The Prison Notes. USA: Reconquista
Press, 2011.
•
Crisan,
Radu Mihai.
“The Secret of the Fire Sword”.
Bucharest: University Book Publishing House, 2006.
•
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Julius. “The Tragedy of the Romanian ‘Iron Guard’: Codreanu”.
Conway, SC, USA: Thompkins & Cariou,
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•
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Nicholas. The Green Shirts & The
Others: A History of Fascism in Hungary and Rumania. Stanford,
CA: Hoover Institution Press/Stanford University Press, 1970.
•
Ronnett,
Alexander E. and Bradescu, Faust.
“The Legionary Movement in Romania.”
The Journal of Historical Review, vol. 7, no. 2, pp.
193-228.
•
Ronnett,
Alexander E. Romanian Nationalism: The Legionary Movement.
Chicago: Romanian-American National Congress, 1995.
•
Sima,
Horia. The
History of the Legionary Movement. Liss,
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•
Sturdza,
Michael. The Suicide of Europe: Memoirs of Prince Michael Sturdza,
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(Romanian
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•
Crisan,
Radu Mihai. Istoria
Interzisă (“Forbidden History”). Bucharest: Editura
Tibo, 2008.
•
Sima,
Horia. Era Libertaţii
- Statul naţional-Legionar vol. 1 ("It was Freedom -
National Legionary State vol. 1"). Madrid: Editura "Miscarii
Legionare, 1982.
•
Sima,
Horia. Era Libertaţii
- Statul naţional-Legionar vol. 2 ("It was Freedom -
National Legionary State vol. 2"). Madrid: Editura Miscării
Legionare, 1990.
•
Sima,
Horia. Istoria Mişcarii
Legionare ("History of the Legionary Movement").
Timişoara: Editura Gordian, 1994.
•
Sima,
Horia. Guvernul National
Român de la Viena ("Romanian National Government in
Vienna"). Madrid: Editura "Miscarii Legionare, 1993.
•
Sima,
Horia. Prizonieri ai
Puterilor Axei (“Prisoners of the Axis Powers”). Madrid:
Editura "Miscarii Legionare, 1990.
•
Sima,
Horia. Sfârşitul unei
domnii sângeroase ("The End of a Bloody Reign").
Madrid: Editura "Miscarii Legionare", 1977.
•
Valenas,
Liviu. Miscarea Legionara
intre adevar si mistificare ("The Legionary Movement
between Truth and Deception"). Timisoara: Editura Marineasa,
2000.