2. To that end, it was necessary that the German government acknowledge a
Representative Mission of the [exiled] National Romanian Government. That is
what we obtained in March 1945, with the title of the Mission for General
Consulate for the entire German Reich.
3.
In mid-April 1945, in my capacity of a representative of the Romanian
National Government, bearing the title of General Consul for the entire German
Reich, and accompanied by the Consular Diplomatic Mission, consisting of Maria
Bucur, Secretary, and Dinu Paul, Junior Attaché, we joined the State
Secretariat of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Diplomatic Corps in Bad-Gastein.
4.
We wrote a letter asking Vasile
Iasinschi, who was on his way to Romania
accompanied by Corneliu Georgescu, to come to us in Bad-Gastein. lasinschi came
and, after we presented the facts to him, he accepted to remain in Bad-Gastein.
5. Also at
Bad-Gastein there happened to arrive General Platon Chirnoagă,
accompanied by Commander Eugen Băilă. They also adhered to our plan of
discussion with the victorious forces.
6. I introduced Vasile Iasinschi at the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
in his capacity of provisional President of the Romanian National Government and
provisional Foreign Minister, since those who held those titles were absent;
then General Chirnoagă as Minister of War and Commander Băilă as Chief of
Staff of the Minister of War.
7.
When the American army approached
Bad-Gastein, the German Foreign Minister
gave a broadcast communique indicating to the American political and military
authorities the members of the Diplomatic Corps, which included the Mission of
the National Government where salient personalities were the provisional
President lasinschi, General Chirnoagă as a War Minister, and Commander Băilă
as a Chief of Staff.
8. On the very day of May 6, when the preparations for the capitulation of
Germany were announced for the first time, in a radio broadcast, I began to
write a presentation of the Iron Guard's stand, which included, as it was seen,
the Jewish problem.
9. After Germany surrendered, the Consular Diplomatic Mission of the National
Romanian Government was imprisoned in a hotel in Bad-Gastein, together with the
entire Diplomatic Corps. However, Iasinschi, General Chirnoagă, Commander
Băilă, who were joined by Professor Ion Sângeorgiu and Vladimir Cristi, were
not disturbed or examined by anyone.
10. Skipping some details, on September 25, 1945, part of the members of the
Diplomatic Corps of Eastern European countries were imprisoned in the American
concentration camp for "war criminals" Marcus W. Orr (named so after
the first American soldier who died upon landing in Europe), at Glasenbach-Salzburg.
The members of the Mission of the Romanian National Government were set free.
11. On October 25, 1945, I was arrested, together with Maria
Bucur, in a
dramatically staged action, by a group consisting of special agents of the
Austrian State Police, who had come from Vienna, and of some others who wore the
uniforms of Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia, and were under the command of the
Chief of the CIC of Bad-Gastein. When
I asked why I was being arrested, they told me that the State Representative of
Washington had given that order, to satisfy a request made by the Romanian
government supported by the other governments of Eastern Europe. We were
imprisoned, I and Maria Bucur, in the concentration camp for "war
criminals" at Glasenbach.
12. When they arrested me they took away from me all my papers, including the
memorandum about the Iron Guard. That memorandum was sent to the American
authorities of Austria, which were then stationed at Salzburg (waiting to be
transferred to Vienna), and hence it was sent on to the Instructing Commission
of the International Tribunal of Nuremberg that was to decide the fate of those
tried as possible "war criminals." I learned later that my memorandum
had made some impression.
13. Almost four months later, in mid-February 1946, an American officer came
to Glasenbach from Nuremberg bringing 400 forms belonging to the Instructing
Commission of the International Tribunal of Nuremberg. Among those 400 forms,
there were some for us those who belonged to the Mission of the National
Government, for Iasinschi, General Chirnoagă, and Commander Băilă. The
purpose of those Nuremberg forms was to establish the identity of those who
could not be accused of any wrong-doing and who did not belong to any
organization that was considered collectively guilty of "war crimes",
of "crimes against humanity", or of "collaborationism",
either.
15. On April 15 1947 we were set free, those who belonged to the Consular
Diplomatic Mission, and Commander Băilă; and a month later, in May, the other
two were set free, namely Vasile Iasinschi and General Chirnoagă.
16.
At the same time when we were exonerated of any guilt, the Instructing Commission
of the International Tribunal of Nuremberg also exculpated the organizations
we represented: the Legionary Movement, the National Romanian Government,
and the Romanian army. Those entities are not guilty of either "war crimes,"
or "genocide"; and they are not "fascist", or "nazi",
or "collaborationist" either. It is well known that the work of
instruction to a tribunal is secret and its acts and decisions are not made
public. However, the acts of accusation and the sentences against other organizations
of the International Tribunal of Nuremberg were published. Thus, alongside
of the Fascist Party and the Nazi Party, alongside of the SA and of the SS,
almost all nationalist movements of Europe were found guilty of "war
crimes and crimes against humanity", of "fascism", "national
socialism", and "collaborationism", including that of Leon
Degrelle, the Croatian ustasha, the Hungarian Cross and Arrows, the Slovak
Hlinka-Garda, and so on. It was only the Legionary Movement and the Bulgarian
Strajniks (modelled after the Legionary Movement) of Professor Cantargiev
that were exonerated from that type of sentencing.
As for the Jewish problem, the well-known Zionist Loewhenthal has made the
same assertion that I made in my memorandum about the Iron Guard, at Eichmann's
trial in 1961: "The anti-Semitism of the Iron Guard was not a racial
attitude, as it was with the nazis, but it was from envy (!) of the economic
status of the Jewish population of Romania."